A growing scandal is rocking Israel’s aid strategy in Gaza after top Israeli lawmakers accused their own government of laundering hundreds of millions of dollars through an obscure web of U.S.-based humanitarian and mercenary organizations. The network, fronted by the newly-formed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), is reportedly the linchpin of a broader plan to displace Gaza’s northern population by funneling them into biometric-controlled humanitarian hubs that some insiders have likened to “concentration camps.”
On May 27, the plan descended into chaos when Israeli troops opened fire on desperate Palestinians crowding around a GHF food distribution site in western Rafah. The violence erupted after just 8,000 ration boxes were handed out, underscoring the fragility of Israel’s unilateral control over aid flows into the besieged enclave.
GHF, founded in February in Switzerland under a cloud of secrecy, now stands accused of serving as a front for a broader military-intelligence operation. Its role, critics say, is to replace the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) and erect a parallel aid apparatus that funnels Palestinians into designated zones Israel calls “humanitarian islands.” These zones are part of a stated plan to occupy 75% of Gaza and fragment the remaining population.
Ties to CIA and Mossad-Aligned Entities
Among those behind the GHF initiative is Safe Reach Solutions (SRS), a U.S.-based mercenary outfit founded by former CIA operative Phillip Reilly. Israeli opposition leader Yair Lapid claims SRS and GHF are “shell companies” funded by Israel’s Mossad and Ministry of Defense. Leaked internal documents reviewed by Middle East Eye reportedly confirm the links between Israeli authorities and these privately operated aid platforms.

GHF was founded by Israeli entrepreneur Liran Tancman, reportedly a reservist in Israel’s elite Unit 8200 cyber-intelligence division. According to leaked planning documents, Tancman proposed using biometric tracking systems outside GHF’s aid hubs to control Palestinian civilian movement.
A leaked GHF memo even warned the distribution centers may be perceived internationally as “concentration camps” due to their surveillance infrastructure and military enforcement. Despite this, the group claims to have secured $100 million in backing from an undisclosed donor.
Former Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman has publicly alleged that this funding originates from Israel’s own defense establishment: “The money for humanitarian aid comes from the Mossad and the Ministry of Defense… hundreds of millions of dollars at the expense of Israeli citizens.”
Leadership Exodus and U.S. Ties
Internal turmoil within GHF became public when CEO Jake Wood, a former U.S. Marine and humanitarian figure, resigned just days before the May 27 rollout, citing violations of humanitarian neutrality. Chief Operating Officer David Burke and Swiss board member David Kohler also resigned shortly after.
The group is now helmed by John Acree, a former USAID administrator who has vocally criticized both the Trump and Biden administrations. Despite Acree’s humanitarian background, the organization continues to recruit combat-experienced personnel through affiliated firms like UG Solutions.
UG’s job listings call for snipers and intelligence operatives with “Special Forces qualifications” and “advanced combat skills” to operate in Gaza. Its founder, Jameson Govoni, has made inflammatory public statements glorifying violence and substance abuse.
GHF’s ties also extend to prominent American institutions. Documents list board members including Raisa Sheynberg, a former U.S. Treasury official; David Beasley, ex-head of the UN World Food Program; and Nate Mook, former CEO of World Central Kitchen (WCK). Mook, despite being listed on founding documents, has since distanced himself from the group and declined to comment.
Celebrity chef José Andrés, founder of WCK and longtime collaborator of Mook, also played a role in early discussions around GHF. While he has since denounced the group for abandoning humanitarian principles, evidence suggests that WCK’s previous aid efforts—including the controversial 2024 Gaza aid pier project—helped pave the way for GHF’s military-aligned infrastructure.
From Switzerland to the U.S.: Fleeing Scrutiny
Facing mounting legal pressure in Europe, GHF announced on May 29 that it was relocating its operations to the United States. Swiss regulators had accused the group of violating multiple foundation laws. Observers fear the move will allow the organization to operate with far less scrutiny under a Trump-aligned administration that has signaled support for its activities.
Despite resignations and public backlash, GHF continues to operate behind a murky shell of private companies and military contractors, with masked mercenaries controlling aid access across Gaza. The true sources of its funding—and its long-term role in Gaza’s humanitarian architecture—remain obscured.
For now, the only certainty is that under the guise of charity, a militarized aid machine is reshaping life in Gaza in lockstep with Israel’s occupation strategy.